{"id":909,"date":"2021-06-03T19:04:00","date_gmt":"2021-06-03T19:04:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.uantwerpen.one\/blog-usos\/?p=909"},"modified":"2021-06-16T08:22:43","modified_gmt":"2021-06-16T08:22:43","slug":"constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\/","title":{"rendered":"Constitutional economics and its relevance for contemporary constitutional structures"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Correspondence between Pranav Tanwar<\/strong> and Ayan Gupta<\/strong> (students at the National Law University – Delhi) <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dear Ayan, <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The theme that I propose for our research project is titled \u2018CONSTITUTIONAL ECONOMICS AND ITS RELEVANCE FOR CONTEMPORARY CONSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES\u2019. This is a summary of what I have already written (HERE<\/a>) but I have always wanted to develop it further.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For centuries, the relationship between control and laissez-faire has been at the centre of all economic regulation debates. On the one hand, there have been schools, such as erstwhile liberalism and now neoliberalism, which argue for complete autonomy of economic activities, on the other hand, there have been schools of thought, such as socialism, the welfare state or now third-world studies, which argue for limits to such autonomy. In modern nation-states, the international legal order, such as the UN system which provides first and priority space for \u2018the people<\/em>\u2019, no action by states and their governments can go unaccountable. This has become much more important today when, after the advent of Bretton Woods institutions and the rise of neoliberalism, states are becoming the sole and active medium for global trade and investment in economically struggling \u2018resource lands<\/em>\u2019.<\/em> The question arises: Are national resources in the form of money, natural resources or human resources being pooled for priority sectors such as health, education, social security, employment, infrastructure development or any such sector necessary for that particular national economy and its people? This paper will argue that economic decisions of governments, especially in the South or third world or developing countries, should comply with certain \u2018ground norms\u2019. This ground norm for the present context is the duly formulated and recognized constitutional standards.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For most countries, economic decisions are about balancing discretionary spending and policy\/statutory mandatory spendings. For instance, the Chilean protests of 2019 were motivated by their constitutionally mandated liberalism<\/a> and its impact on other important areas such as Education<\/a>. Recently in India, the government has ventured into the field of disinvestment, whereby it is selling off important Public Sector Undertakings (PSUs)<\/a> to generate more income for itself, or a state government\u2019s involved in developing one religion\u2019s God\u2019s statue<\/a>. One can question such moves on the grounds of constitutionally mandated \u2018socialism\u2019 and \u2018secularism\u2019 in India. Even globally, the rising problem of inequality of income among classes<\/a> makes one wonder how all the dream-rousing aims of international and national legal instruments and policy fail to control these misdirected economic decisions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Such constitutionalism over economic discretion is not something new, but is rare. In Russia, there is both economic and constitutional scrutiny<\/a> attached to budget allocation. Though mandated, the US School of Constitutional Economics has made major strides in promoting constitutionalism for economics and political actors. Professor Richard Posner, the leading theorist in this field, in his article entitle \u201cThe Constitution as an Economic Document<\/em>\u201d<\/a> argues that \u2018economics may provide insight into questions that bear on the proper legal interpretation\u2019 and \u2018the limits of an economic approach to deciding constitutional cases [are] set by the Constitution\u2019. Further, he argues that \u2018effective protection of basic economic rights promotes economic growth\u2019. Though Posner has presented a two-way flow in the relation, we are primarily concerned about the constitutional interpretation of economics alone. Similarly, there is the example of China, where academics have argued for constitutional guidance in order to create an open and more competitive market<\/a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

As a cursory look, India has a long history of discretionary economic decisions and policymaking. At the time of the constitution-making process itself in 1947-1949, there were discussions on goals to be achieved by different economy-oriented provisions, such as the fundamental right of trade and profession or financial emergency, but they neglected the principles or the very methods which administrations of future may need for certainty. Most of the bodies for economic policymaking established over time were ad hoc or formed by the bureaucracy. The only constitutional body, that is, the Financial Commission, is a toothless body. The two important factors steering Indian economic decisions have been politics and populism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The present idea does not zero in on the economic investigation of government choices through time but rather endeavours to concentrate on how these choices point to an absence of a long-haul fixed approach and, in addition, do not conform to essential standards and ultimately negated the intrinsically ensured fundamental norms (in an expansive and non-specialized sense). Is it time that we centre ourselves around rules of choices as much as we do on the choices themselves? As Fukuyama in Origins of Political Order<\/em> has said, due to the way the aggregate democratic order provides an incentive structure for the political class (through re-elections), there is a tendency to make legislation against the long-term \u2018will of the nation\u2019 for short-term gains. Is there an opportunity for introspection and to present a straightforward and lasting institutional system or at least assured standards of economy to protect established\/lawful rights related to these choices?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Best regards<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pranav Tanwar<\/p>\n\n\n\n

30-APRIL-2021, Delhi<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dear Pranav,<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Thank you for your letter. It was a pleasure to read it. I do agree with the spirit of your analysis, and I will attempt to trace the outlines of constitutionalism in the Indian context. Of course, as you noted, it must and should regulate policy making just as much as legal adjudication.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I think the most interesting part about the role of constitutionalism in democracies is that, while the connection intuitively makes sense, to outline its specific role can often be a painstaking exercise. In my opinion, what strikes at the heart of the fulfillment of constitutional aspirations is that the constitution must be read in a manner cognizant of the values<\/em> that it upholds. This approach to statecraft, which in constitutional interpretation is referred to as \u2018transformative\u2019, is what I understand as \u2018constitutionalism\u2019. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

India has been a constitutional democracy since 1950. We were subject to colonial rule for about 200 odd years before gaining independence in 1947. Colonialism, as is its nature, was brutal and reprehensible. In 1947, our founding fathers decided to break from the culture of state brutality and began drafting a progressive constitution.[1]<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The constitution accepted the Universal Adult Franchise as its formative feature. It embraced the right of equality (including recognizing affirmative action policies to combat the scourge of caste), the right to freedom of speech and expression and freedom of religion among other things. The essence of the constitution was that it respected Human Dignity<\/em> in its function. This is the ideal it aimed to achieve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nevertheless, while the founding fathers aimed for India\nto be a progressive and inclusive society, the reality of life was in stark\ncontrast to this ideal. Dr BR Ambedkar, the chief draftsman of our\nconstitution, articulated this dilemma well in his final speech to the\nConstituent Assembly. He said:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cOn the 26th of January 1950, we are going to enter\ninto a life of contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social\nand economic life we will have inequality.
\nIn politics we will be recognizing the principle of one man one vote and one\nvote one value.
\nIn our social and economic life, we shall, by reason of our social and economic\nstructure, continue to deny the principle of one man one value\u2026.We must remove\nthis contradiction at the earliest possible moment or else those who suffer\nfrom inequality will blow up the structure of political democracy which this\nAssembly has so laboriously built up<\/em>.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If the Indian experiment in democracy wants to reach its fullest extent, we need to fill the gap that lies between recognized rights and reality on the ground. However, to do that, it is important that governments act not just with the bare text of the constitution in mind but also the aspirations or values that the constitution represents. These values are, after all, the whole point behind wanting an independent future for ourselves, free from oppression. Thus, it is not only important that the state should treat men and women equally, as no different from one another. To be true to equality, the state must also recognize that women so far have been oppressed by a patriarchal system and they must account for that difference while making laws and policies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Similarly, while the right to vote has been granted to everyone, it is not necessarily true that everyone has the social capability to do so and do so freely. For instance, in India, people from the so-called \u2018lower caste\u2019 are often prohibited from voting by the so-called \u2018upper caste\u2019. Thus, only after recognizing the value of UAF \u2013 I mean that everyone should have a say in the country \u2013 can the state really uphold the right to vote. What I mean to say is that the state must actively encourage voting, including by making sure that safe circumstances are available, and that discriminatory practices are not taking place.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both these examples hint at the concept of \u2018substantive equality\u2019. The idea is to take into account the differences that persevere in our society, and undo the disadvantages they reflect, instead of being blind to these differences and oppression. While this logic is sometimes seen in the debate around affirmative action, it is time to ask why our economic and budgeting decisions are not influenced by substantive equality and constitutionalism. Why can our economic policymaking not be guided by this approach, one which recognizes the essence of our constitutional project?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There is a lot more to say, but one can only hope that the spirit of constitutionalism takes over governance, in the hope that the nation never has to gasp for oxygen on footpaths ever again.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I leave you with this<\/a> brilliant and incisive analysis of the consequences of the lack of constitutionalism by Prof. Tarunabh Khaitan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I hope I have been able to get my point across, and I apologize for what may seemingly be a lack of nuance or detail. I look forward to your response.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Best, Ayan<\/p>\n\n\n\n

7-MAY-2021,\nDelhi
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dear\nAyan, <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Thank\nyou for your letter. As you will understand the dreaded deadline pressure of\nassignments, exams and dissertation, I apologize for a late reply. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In\nmy first letter I argued for constitutional guidance on economic actions, both\npolicy and law. You very well picked on it and extended such guidance in the\nform of constitutionalism. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The\nsubstantive part of my second letter is: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

A\ncontinued interactive reading of Constitutional Economics and Constitutionalism\nresults in what may be termed as \u201cEconomic Constitutionalism\u201d.[2]<\/sup><\/a> This\nEconomic Constitutionalism<\/em> can be\nexplained to entail following major concepts:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

  1. The\nconstitutional (to give sense of legally valid if not always binding or\nrighteous) norms of economic decision making. <\/li>
  2. Economic freedom of individuals\nunder constitutional framework. <\/li>
  3. Limits\non state intervention in economic freedom of individuals. <\/li>
  4. Proactive measures by the state for\nsubstantive economic equality. <\/li><\/ol>\n\n\n\n

    As\nyou rightfully pointed out, with the Constitution of India, at least in text,\nthe country breaked away from its non-sovereign status and moved away from the\nshadow of a regressive state. The empowerment of people of India meant the new\neconomic legislations or policy were to be guided in the new constitutional\necosystem. But the situation can differ when the idealism of text meets the\npragmatism of the government. For instance, the first amendment to the\nConstitution came as early as 1951 where the government of that day, which in\nthe past was a vocal supporter of individual liberty, let their insecurity of\nstate control subdue such liberty. The fundamental right to trade and profession<\/em> was subjected to \u201cinterests of the\ngeneral public\u201d which meant nothing but government interest in nationalisation\nof certain sectors. Further, Article 31A and 31C were introduced as part of the\nagrarian reform, which later became the starting point of what could be termed\nas \u201cessential history of Indian constitutional law development\u201d.[3]<\/sup><\/a>\nFurther, there are scholars like Rohit De who in his book The People\u2019s Constitution<\/em>[4]<\/sup><\/a>\nhas dealt in detail over state control on liquor trade, cotton manufacturing,\nbeef production and prostitution and how such control crossed the constitutional\nlimits to violate individual economic rights. Though these two examples may not\nform part of macro-economy or budgetary decisions as such, they in culmination\nwill or at least serve as an example how not only there are limits on economic\ndecision making but further, how the state\u2019s unjust reach over individual\neconomic liberty has been struck down by the constitutional courts, which\nfurthered the cause of human dignity<\/em>.\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Hence,\nit can be argued that not only are there past examples of Economic Constitutionalism <\/em>in India but it holds much more\nrelevance today. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Further,\nyou have pointed out how it may take proactive intervention of the state to\nensure constitutional rights are lived in spirit. One instance of such an\napproach is the introduction of free legal aid as a principle in the Directive\nPrinciple of State Policy via<\/em> Article\n39A. The specificity and then its enforceability through The Legal Services\nAuthorities Act, 1987 showcase how the governments can actually transform the\nsubstantive economic equality into a reality. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    I\nconclude by stating that the recent landmark cases of Swiss Ribbons Pvt. Ltd. v Union of India<\/em> (constitutionality of\nInsolvency and Bankruptcy Code),[5]<\/sup><\/a> Dharani Sugars And Chemicals Ltd v Union of\nIndia<\/em> (constitutionality of RBI orders under S. 35AA of Banking Regulation\nAct),[6]<\/sup><\/a> Keshavlal Khemchand and Sons Pvt Ltd &\nOrs v. Union of India & Ors<\/em>.[7]<\/sup><\/a>\n(Constitutionality of Amended Definition of NPA) highlights how in a modern\npost liberalisation India, the citizens’ concerns on economic legislation or\npolicy are getting very real. There is a legitimate expectation of not only\nprocedural propriety but also substantive one; substantive in the form of\nspecific contextualised economic rights derived from broad fundamental rights. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Best,\nPranav<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    30-MAY-2021, Delhi<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Dear Pranav,<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

    I hope this letter finds you in the best of health. I too apologize to you for the slight delay in my response, which happened partly due to the ongoing exams.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    I wholeheartedly enjoyed reading your response, and I\u2019m quite intrigued by the idea of economic constitutionalism. Substantive and procedural due process in economic decisions does indeed seem pervasive, even if it is not couched in that language by the judiciary. Yet, the existence of such a doctrine, to my mind, increases the urgency of fixing India\u2019s due process confusion rather soon.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Specifically, my concern is twofold.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    First<\/em>, I fear that in the absence of well-defined judicial standards, especially under the equality code (and specifically Article 14), there is a real danger of replicating Lochner v New York<\/em>-like jurisprudence, where the SCOTUS struck down progressive labour regulations by holding that they violated an individual\u2019s \u2018freedom to contract\u2019.[8]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    It is perhaps thankful that the SC recently struck down regulations requiring excessive working hours.[9]<\/a> Nonetheless, I believe that the problem of undefined substantive due process standards such as arbitrariness allow courts to misapply or misuse economic constitutionalism to the benefit of the few.[10]<\/a> It does not help, as Abhinav Chandrachud points out, that Indian jurisprudence on due process has been a mess from the very start.[11]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Second<\/em>, I fear that in the absence of the Supreme Court granting the State less leeway in policy matters, economic constitutionalism may remain only a limited dream. I can only think of the Migrant Labour crisis and the Supreme Court\u2019s initial response being to not only believe the Government\u2019s lies that no migrant was on the road (despite clear evidence to the contrary), but also to hold that reviewing the Government response (or lack thereof) is outside their purview.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Where do we go from here? How do we define the limits of judicial review under Economic Constitutionalism? To my mind, if we are to accept this doctrine, then policy decisions must also necessarily form a part of judicial review, with the government being given much less leeway. Perhaps the Supreme Court\u2019s recent insistence on the Government\u2019s discriminatory vaccination policy being \u2018arbitrary and irrational\u2019, and on requiring the Government to submit all documents on which the policy is based for the Court\u2019s review, is a step in the right direction?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    As I conclude, Pranav, I would like to thank you for your patience and time. A huge thanks to the team at USOS, and especially Janus, for facilitating this conversation. It is a joy to have a structured (and what I presume is also substantive) discussion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    It is immensely saddening, Pranav, that we may not get the chance to meet on our beautiful campus here at the National Law University, Delhi this year. Nonetheless, I do hope that such a meeting happens, if not now, then in the near future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Best, Ayan<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    3-JUNE-2021, Delhi<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \n\n\n\n

    [1]<\/a> For a brilliant analysis of this process and how it impacts constitutional interpretation see Gautam Bhatia, A Transformative Constitution: A Radical Biography in Nine Act <\/em>(HarperCollins 2018).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    [2]<\/sup><\/a> David J. Gerber, \u201cEconomic Constitutionalism and the Challenge of Globalization: The Enemy Is Gone? Long Live the Enemy: Comment,\u201d Journal of Institutional and Theoretical Economics (JITE) \/ Zeitschrift F\u00fcr Die Gesamte Staatswissenschaft<\/em>, vol. 157, no. 1 (2001), pp. 14\u201322. JSTOR<\/em>, www.jstor.org\/stable\/40752244<\/a>. Accessed 30 May 2021. Also see, F. Shan, \u201cEconomic constitutionalism: Path for state to intervene in the economy.\u201d Front. Law China<\/em> 1 (2006), pp. 372\u2013392. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1007\/s11463-006-0016-3<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    [3]<\/sup><\/a> See development of law from 1st Amendment up to Kesavananda Bharati Case<\/em>, AIR 1973 SC 1461.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    [4]<\/sup><\/a> Rohit De, A People\u2019s Constitution: The Everyday Life of Law in the Indian Republic<\/em> (Princeton University Press 2018).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    [5]<\/sup><\/a> 2019 SCC OnLine SC 73.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    [6]<\/sup><\/a> 2019 SCC OnLine SC 460.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    [7]<\/sup><\/a> 2015 4 SCC 770.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    [8]<\/a> Lochner v New York <\/em>198 U.S. 45 (1905).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    [9]<\/a> Gujarat Mazdoor Sabha v State of Gujarat<\/em> W.P(C) No 708 of 2020.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    [10]<\/a> See, for e.g., Prof Anup Surendranath\u2019s explanation of arbitrariness in The Courts and the Constitution, \u2018<\/a>Panel on Developments in Equality Jurisprudence<\/a><\/em>\u2019<\/a>, pp. 14\u201317.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    [11]<\/a> See generally Abhinav Chandrachud, Due Process of Law<\/em> (EBC 2011).<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    Correspondence between Pranav Tanwar and Ayan Gupta (students at the National Law University – Delhi) Dear Ayan, The … <\/p>\n

    “Constitutional economics and its relevance for contemporary constitutional structures”<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":43,"featured_media":912,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[66],"tags":[90,91,92,94,95],"coauthors":[113,114],"class_list":["post-909","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-india","tag-constitution","tag-economy","tag-equality","tag-judicial-review","tag-transformative-constitutionalism-2"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nConstitutional economics and its relevance for contemporary constitutional structures - USOS<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"noindex, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_GB\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Constitutional economics and its relevance for contemporary constitutional structures - USOS\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Correspondence between Pranav Tanwar and Ayan Gupta (students at the National Law University – Delhi) Dear Ayan, The … "Constitutional economics and its relevance for contemporary constitutional structures"\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"USOS\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2021-06-03T19:04:00+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2021-06-16T08:22:43+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/06\/anthony-garand-7rehTDIfR8o-unsplash-1.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"640\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"427\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Pranav Tanwar, Ayan Gupta\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Pranav Tanwar, Ayan Gupta\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Estimated reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"14 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Pranav Tanwar\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/6a26e17fb478d90a853b73d331d94887\"},\"headline\":\"Constitutional economics and its relevance for contemporary constitutional structures\",\"datePublished\":\"2021-06-03T19:04:00+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2021-06-16T08:22:43+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":2961,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2021\\\/06\\\/anthony-garand-7rehTDIfR8o-unsplash-1.jpg\",\"keywords\":[\"constitution\",\"economy\",\"equality\",\"judicial review\",\"transformative constitutionalism\"],\"articleSection\":[\"India\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\"},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\\\/\",\"name\":\"Constitutional economics and its relevance for contemporary constitutional structures - USOS\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2021\\\/06\\\/anthony-garand-7rehTDIfR8o-unsplash-1.jpg\",\"datePublished\":\"2021-06-03T19:04:00+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2021-06-16T08:22:43+00:00\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\\\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2021\\\/06\\\/anthony-garand-7rehTDIfR8o-unsplash-1.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2021\\\/06\\\/anthony-garand-7rehTDIfR8o-unsplash-1.jpg\",\"width\":640,\"height\":427},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Home\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Constitutional economics and its relevance for contemporary constitutional structures\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/\",\"name\":\"USOS\",\"description\":\"Global Pen Friends\",\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/#organization\"},\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\"},{\"@type\":\"Organization\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/#organization\",\"name\":\"USOS\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/\",\"logo\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-GB\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/logo\\\/image\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2021\\\/09\\\/cropped-usos-en-white.png\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2021\\\/09\\\/cropped-usos-en-white.png\",\"width\":725,\"height\":250,\"caption\":\"USOS \"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/logo\\\/image\\\/\"}},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/6a26e17fb478d90a853b73d331d94887\",\"name\":\"Pranav Tanwar\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/blog.uantwerpen.be\\\/global-pen-friends\\\/author\\\/pranavtanwar\\\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Constitutional economics and its relevance for contemporary constitutional structures - USOS","robots":{"index":"noindex","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"og_locale":"en_GB","og_type":"article","og_title":"Constitutional economics and its relevance for contemporary constitutional structures - USOS","og_description":"Correspondence between Pranav Tanwar and Ayan Gupta (students at the National Law University – Delhi) Dear Ayan, The … \"Constitutional economics and its relevance for contemporary constitutional structures\"","og_url":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\/","og_site_name":"USOS","article_published_time":"2021-06-03T19:04:00+00:00","article_modified_time":"2021-06-16T08:22:43+00:00","og_image":[{"width":640,"height":427,"url":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/06\/anthony-garand-7rehTDIfR8o-unsplash-1.jpg","type":"image\/jpeg"}],"author":"Pranav Tanwar, Ayan Gupta","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"Pranav Tanwar, Ayan Gupta","Estimated reading time":"14 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\/"},"author":{"name":"Pranav Tanwar","@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/#\/schema\/person\/6a26e17fb478d90a853b73d331d94887"},"headline":"Constitutional economics and its relevance for contemporary constitutional structures","datePublished":"2021-06-03T19:04:00+00:00","dateModified":"2021-06-16T08:22:43+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\/"},"wordCount":2961,"publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/#organization"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/06\/anthony-garand-7rehTDIfR8o-unsplash-1.jpg","keywords":["constitution","economy","equality","judicial review","transformative constitutionalism"],"articleSection":["India"],"inLanguage":"en-GB"},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\/","url":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\/","name":"Constitutional economics and its relevance for contemporary constitutional structures - USOS","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\/#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/06\/anthony-garand-7rehTDIfR8o-unsplash-1.jpg","datePublished":"2021-06-03T19:04:00+00:00","dateModified":"2021-06-16T08:22:43+00:00","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-GB","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\/"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-GB","@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\/#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/06\/anthony-garand-7rehTDIfR8o-unsplash-1.jpg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/06\/anthony-garand-7rehTDIfR8o-unsplash-1.jpg","width":640,"height":427},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/constitutional-economics-and-its-relevance-for-contemporary-constitutional-structures\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Constitutional economics and its relevance for contemporary constitutional structures"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/#website","url":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/","name":"USOS","description":"Global Pen Friends","publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/#organization"},"potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-GB"},{"@type":"Organization","@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/#organization","name":"USOS","url":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-GB","@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/09\/cropped-usos-en-white.png","contentUrl":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/09\/cropped-usos-en-white.png","width":725,"height":250,"caption":"USOS "},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/"}},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/#\/schema\/person\/6a26e17fb478d90a853b73d331d94887","name":"Pranav Tanwar","url":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/author\/pranavtanwar\/"}]}},"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/06\/anthony-garand-7rehTDIfR8o-unsplash-1.jpg","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/909","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/43"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=909"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/909\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":971,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/909\/revisions\/971"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/912"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=909"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=909"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=909"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uantwerpen.be\/global-pen-friends\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=909"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}